Socialist History Test

Revolutionary Class
This axis indicates the primary subject of socialist politics, as debated in the First International and continuously throughout the entire history of socialism. Proletarian types (e.g. Marxists, Industrial Unionists) believe that the revolution must be led by the industrial proletariat. Populist types believe that socialism should be led by oppressed peoples in general, which historically often included the peasantry and traditional communities. Different values also reflect different levels of rigor in how they define proletariat: for Orthodox Marxists, this is a dialectical category self-consciously produced from class struggle with the bourgeoisie, whereas most others see it as a socioeconomic grouping.

Relationship to the State
This axis indicates the role of the state in socialist politics, featuring in debates starting in the First International up through factional conflicts in the Russian and Spanish Civil Wars. State-Based types (e.g. Lassalleans, Progressivists) try to become the state, seeing state power as a way to defend the interests of the working class. State-Hostile types (e.g. Anarchists, Marxists) see the state and capitalism as deeply bound, and assert that one cannot be overcome without also abolishing the other. Different values describe the accepted limits of state power, as well as the desired immediacy with which the state should be abolished.

Scope of Activity
This axis indicates the range of issues that should concern workers. Economistic types (e.g. Trade Unionists) believe that workers should be primarily concerned in winning higher wages or, at most, labor reforms using economic tactics such as strikes. More Comprehensive socialists are concerned with political or even cultural issues, attempting to change society as a whole. Different values reflect beliefs about how much one should focus on the economy, and how much the economic base determines the overall superstructure of society. These debates began before the First International, and continuously reemerged in e.g. Syndicalist factionalism and competing interpretations of Marxist Base-Superstructure theory.

Style of Organization
This axis indicates the preferred structure and role of worker's organizations. Party-Based types (e.g. Lassalleans, Marxists) believe that the party plays a fundamental role in revolutionary organization, as the primary mediator of concrete experience and abstracted class consciousness. On the extreme end (e.g. Kautskyists), they believe that the party should parallel and eventually succeed the state after the revolution. On the other hand, Direct Action types (e.g. Anarchists) believe that structured parties inherently reproduce hierarchical authority and will always undermine worker's liberation. Moderates (e.g. Syndicalists) have tried to form large unions with conditional participation in parties, whereas on the extreme end (e.g. Insurrectionists) they have abstained from unions in favor of loose groupings only. This was the primary issue behind the Red/Black split of the First International.

National Strategy
This axis indicates the relationship of worker's organizations to existing nation-states. International types (e.g. Orthodox Trotskyists) believe that the proletariat is an international class, and that the revolution must be international to succeed. They tend to see the International as an international party rather than a mere alliance. On the other hand, socialists that favor National Organization believe that workers of different nations face very different challenges and must be organized on a national basis, while still communicating and supporting each other internationally. These debates emerged over the authority that the First International should have over its national members, and subsequently played important roles in the collapse of the Second International and Cold War-era stances on anti-imperialism.

Lessons of October
This axis indicates one's stance on the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution. The most Pro-October socialists are Leninists, who believe that workers had to seize power after the February Revolution under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party (and their allies). Anti-October types, however, cover a range of tendencies: some subscribe to the Two-Stage theory of revolution, believing that Russia was still mostly pre-bourgeois and a proletarian revolution was premature, while more reformist types opposed the revolutionary takeover altogether. In the middle are those who support the October Revolution (e.g. Left-SRs, Makhnovists) but believe that the Bolsheviks betrayed the other members of their coalition. This was the first time that theoretical debates between socialists became pitched battles between armies, which permanently split the socialist movement worldwide.

Post-Revolutionary Direction
This axis indicates the desired direction of policies during and after the Russian Civil War. Those that wanted to Advance the revolution (e.g. Left-Communists) tended to support greater democratization, collectivization, and military expansion, while discouraging collaboration with moderate Leftists and capitalist powers. Alternatively, those that wanted to Retreat supported market reforms and detente wih the rest of the world. Lenin's own policies lay roughly in the middle, maintaining power while using the New Economic Policy to deal with the reality of failed revolutions across Europe.

Revolutionary Heirs
This axis indicates one's ideological affinity with Stalin or Trotsky. The most pro-Stalin socialists are of course Marxist-Leninists/Stalinists, who maintain that Stalin's policies were necessary measures to defend the Soviets against hostile powers on all sides, and a natural continuation of Lenin's policies. In the middle are those who are ambivalent about Stalin, or who might dislike both Stalin and Lenin (e.g. Libertarian Socialists), but share the Stalinists' belief that his actions were a necessary outgrowth of Lenin's authoritarian policies. On Trotsky's side are those who defend Lenin against Stalin, criticizing the naturalization of Stalin's opportunism and asserting the possibility of political change within the Soviet Union. Trotskyists started out working within the Third International parties, but eventually split into the Fourth International to build new parties while still tacitly defending the Soviet Union.

Soviet Bloc
This axis measures one's stance on the Soviet Union and Soviet-aligned countries during and after WW2. Pro-Soviet types include Marxist-Leninsts and Trotskyists who maintain a critical defense of the Soviet Union against capitalist powers; some Trotskyists, such as Pabloite Entryists, actively participated in the Soviet-aligned Communist parties. Anti-Soviet types include many Libertarian Socialists, "Third Camp" Trotskyists, Anti-Revisionist Marxist-Leninists after Khrushchev, and Western-oriented Eurocommunists.

Left Unity
This is somewhat of a meta-axis that measures how much one is willing to work with groups of differing ideologies. Some believe that a Broad Front of socialists or even liberals are necessary to defend against Right-wing dominance. When socialism is especially weak, these socialists may practice Entryist activity in major liberal parties, such as the DSA in the Democratic Party. Alternatively, highly Sectarian types (stereotypically, Trotskyists and Maoists) believe that splits help clarify ideological positions, whereas cooperating with other socialists will water down their movement. Most people fall between these two ends and will split or unite based on tactical considerations.

The Ends
This is an axis that roughly measures what one believes to be the ends of socialist politics. The most Radical socialists wish to change society fundamentally by transforming the basic relations of production, seeing the ultimate ends of socialism as the self-abolition of labor. In the middle are socialists who see the problem of capitalism as exploitation and socioeconomic inequality, and aim to abolish the capitalist class via the redistribution of wealth. The most Moderate types are progressivists who wish to guarantee justice and welfare within capitalism.